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ROYAL AUTHORITY OF THE 10TH CENTURY ABBASIDS
from a Abbasid-era manuscript by Yahyâ ibn Mahmûd al-Wâsitî
In “Ruminations and Reminiscences,” Al-Tanûkhî wrote in A.D. 980: “I was told by the qadi Abu'l-Hasan Muhammad bin 'Abd al-Wahid Hashimi a story which he had heard from Abu 'Ali Hasan bin Isma'il bin Ishaq, the qadi, who was a companion of Mu'tadid [Caliph, r. 892-902] and allowed to take liberties with him. One day, he said, we were drinking with Mu'tadid, until Badr presented himself, and said: Sire, they have brought the draper from Birket Zalzal. Mu'tadid thereupon left the drinking-room, and retired to a chamber behind it, so close that we could see and hear. A curtain was then let down so as to screen it, the Caliph put on a qaba and, taking a spear in his hand, sat down with the expression of a man enraged and anxious to inspire terror. Hence we, notwithstanding our familiarity with him, were alarmed. A feeble old man was introduced, whom the Caliph questioned in a terrible voice: Are you the draper who said that yesterday? The man fainted, and was ordered to be taken away until he had recovered his senses. He was then brought back and the Caliph said: What, does a man like you dare to say "the Moslems have no one to look after their interests"? Where do I come in, and what is my business? [Source: D. S. Margoliouth, ed., The Table Talk of a Mesopotamian Judge, (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1922), pp. 64-67, 164-68, 135-37, 93, 2 9-92, 86-87, 31, 160, 97-101, 172-73, 84-86, 204-6]
“He said: Commander of the Faithful, I am a tradesman, who understand nothing but thread and cotton, and how to talk to women and common people. A man passed by, with whom we did business buying his goods, and when we found his weight short, I said that, meaning the Muhtasib and no one else; I swear that I only referred to the Muhtasib, and promise never to say the like again. The Caliph said: The Muhtasib shall be summoned and severely reprimanded for neglecting to interfere in such a matter, and shall be told to set it right, and to look after the travellers and tradesmen and bring them into order. He then told the old man to go, and that no harm should befall him. He returned to us amused and diverted, and recommenced his potations. Under the influence of the wine I said: Sire, you know how inquisitive I am; have I permission to make a remark? When he had given it, I said: Your majesty was agreeably occupied in drinking, but left it off to go and talk to a vulgar cur, for whom it would have been sufficient to be shouted at by one of the infantry of the district magistrate; not satisfied with letting this creature come into your majesty's presence, you changed your costume, armed yourself and personally examined him: all for the sake of a phrase commonly uttered by the vulgar, who do not even assign it any particular meaning.
“Hasan, he replied, you do not know what may be the consequences of such a saying. If that sort of thing circulates among the people, one takes it up from another, they are emboldened to repeat it, get into the habit of uttering it until it becomes to them like the moral law. Such a thing easily instils disaffection towards the government and the religion, and the stirring up of revolts against the Sultan. The most effective mode of dealing with such a case is to stop the evil at its source.
turquoise glass stam of Caliph Mustadi
On the behavior wazir (a vizier, a high official in the Muslim court), Al-Tanûkhî wrote: “Ali bin ‘Isa was anxious to display his superiority to every one else in gravity of demeanor. Several people have told me how in one of his vizierates he received a visit from the Qadi Abu 'Umar, who had on him a magnificent dabiqi robe of Shustar manufacture. ‘Ali bin ‘Isa, wishing to make him ashamed of himself, said to him: Abu 'Umar, at how much the piece did you buy the material of your tunic? Two hundred dinars was the reply. ‘Ali bin ‘Isa said: Oh, the material out of which this durra'ah of mine was cut with the tunic underneath cost twenty dinars! Abu 'Umar answered without hesitation, as though he had got his reply ready: The wazir (God exalt him) beautifies his clothes, and is therefore in no need of extravagance therein, whereas we are beautified by ours, and in consequence have to be extravagant. We come in contact with the lower classes, whom we have to impress with our dignity; whereas the vizier is served by the upper classes rather than by the lower, and it is known that he neglects this parade while we are able to indulge in it. His reply made 'Ali bin ‘Isa feel uncomfortable, and he kept silent.”
Websites on Islamic History: History of Islam: An encyclopedia of Islamic history historyofislam.com ; Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World oxfordislamicstudies.com ; Sacred Footsetps sacredfootsteps.com ; Islamic History Resources uga.edu/islam/history ; Internet Islamic History Sourcebook fordham.edu/halsall/islam/islamsbook ; Islamic History friesian.com/islam ; Muslim Heritage muslimheritage.com ; Chronological history of Islam barkati.net
Power Plays in the Abbasid Court
In “The Experiences of the Nations” (c. 980), Ibn-Miskawaih wrote: “Account of the procedure at the proclamation of Ja'far son of Mu'tadid, whose kunyah was Abu'l-Fadi, and who was thirteen years of age at the time: “When Muktafi's [Caliph, r. 892-902, father of Muqtadir] illness grew serious, his wazir ‘Abbas ben Hasan began to consider whom he should appoint Caliph; and his choice wavered. On his way from his own palace to that of the Sultan he used to be accompanied by one of the four persons who had charge of the bureau....When the first of these was his companion, and was consulted by him on the matter, he nominated Abu'l-‘Abbas ‘Abdallah son of Mu’tazz, [Caliph, r. 866-869] eulogizing his character. [Source: D. S. Margoliouth, ed., “The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate; Original Chronicles of the Fourth Islamic Century” (The Concluding Portion of the Experiences of Nations by Miskawaihi), (London: Basil Blackwell, 1921), Vol. IV, pp. 1-3, reprinted without alteration in The Islamic World, William H. McNeil & Marilyn Robinson Waldman, eds., (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 178-180]
from a Abbasid-era manuscript by Yahyâ ibn Mahmûd al-Wâsitî
“The next day his companion was the third of these above-mentioned men, Ibn al-Furat, who, when consulted, replied that this was a matter to which he was unaccustomed; he begged therefore to be excused; he was accustomed to being consulted only about officials. ‘Abbas displayed annoyance, and said: "This is hedging; you know well what is wise." When he insisted, Ibn al-Furat said: "If the wazir's choice is fixed upon an individual, let him ask God's blessing and proceed with the execution of his plan. I understand that you refer to Ibn al-Mu’tazz, about whom rumour is rife." But ‘Abbas said: "All I want of you is your candid advice." Ibn al-Furat replied: "If that is what the wazir requires, then what I say is: For God's sake do not appoint to the post a man who knows the house of one, the fortune of another, the gardens of a third, the slave-girl of a fourth, the estate of a fifth, and the horse of a sixth; nor one who has mixed with people, has had experience of affairs, has gone through his apprenticeship, and made calculations of people's fortunes." The wazir requested Ibn al-Furat to repeat those words several times, and said at last: "Then whom do you nominate?" He replied: "Ja’far son of Mu’tadid!" "What," he said, "Ja’far is a child!" "True," al-Furat said, "only he is Mu’tadid's son. Why should you introduce a man who will govern, and knows our resources, who will administer affairs himself, and regard himself as independent? Why not deliver the empire to a man who will leave you to administer it?"
“‘Abbas ben Hasan inclined to Ibn al-Furat's view, and with this there coincided the testament of Muktafi, which assigned to his brother Ja’far the sucession to the Caliphate. So when Muktafi died, late in the day on Saturday, August 13, 908, the wazir ‘Abbas appointed Ja’far to the Caliphate, albeit unwillingly, owing to Ja’far's tender years. Safi the Hurami (attendant of the women's apartments) went to bring him down the river from Ibn Tahir's palace; when the harraqah in which he was brought came on its way to the palace of ‘Abbas ben Hasan, the retainers of ‘Abbas called out to the boatman to come inside. It occurred to Safi the Hurami that ‘Abbas only desired Ja’far to enter his palace because he had changed his mind with regard to the prince; fearing then that the wazir might transfer his choice to some one else, Safi told the boatman not to go in, and drawing his sword said to the boatman: If you go inside, I will slash off your head. So the boatman proceeded without stopping to the Sultan's Palace. Ja’far's appointment was then effected, and he took the title al-Muqtadir Billah ("the powerful through God"). The new Sultan gave ‘Abbas a free hand, and the latter gave out the accession money.”
Courtiers and Familars of Kings
In “On the Courtiers and Familars of Kings,” Nizámu'l Mulk (?-1092 CE) wrote: “No king can be without worthy courtiers with whom he may be at his ease and behave without restraint. For the constant society of dignitaries, of princes, and of generals, by emboldening them, detracts from the dignity and majesty of the sovereign. Speaking generally, the king should not make a familiar of anyone whom he has appointed to office, for the reason that the freedom which he enjoys on the king's carpet may lead him to practise extortion and so do harm to the king's subjects. The governor of a province should for ever stand in awe of the king, while the courtier must be ever at his ease, so that the king may derive pleasure from him and the kingly mind find relaxation through him. They should have a fixed time for one another; and it should be after the king has held audience and the great officers have all departed. [Source: “On the Courtiers and Familars of Kings” by Nizámu'l Mulk (?-1092 CE) from his “Treatise on the Art of Government,” translated by Reuben Levy, M.A., 1929]
“There are certain advantages in having a courtier. One of these is that he is a friend to the king; another, this, that seeing he is in the king's company day and night, he acts as his bodyguard; another, that should any danger appear (which Heaven forfend!) he sacrifices his own body and makes it a shield to ward off the peril; still a fourth is that the king may hold conversation on a thousand topics with his courtiers in a way impossible with officers and functionaries of the king. Fifthly, courtiers, like spies, bring the king information about his vassals. Sixthly, they converse in the freest manner of all things, good or ill, being drunk or sober; and in that there is great benefit.
“The courtier should be essentially honourable and of excellent character, of cheerful disposition and irreproachable in respect of his religion, discreet and a clean liver. He should be able to tell a story and repeat a narrative either humorous or grave, and he should remember news. He should also be consistently a carrier of pleasant tidings and the announcer of felicitous happenings. He should also have acquaintance of backgammon and chess, and if he can play a musical instrument and can handle a weapon, it is all the better.
“The courtier also must ever be in agreement with the king. Whatever he hears the king say, he must cry "Bravo!" or "Excellent!" and let him never play the pedagogue, saying "Do this," or "Don't do that," or "Why did you do that?" or "This is a thing one should not do." Such conduct will prove disagreeable to the king and may lead to dislike. However, when questions arise of wine or amusements, or of excursions out of doors, or of convivial gatherings, or of hunting or polo-playing and the like, it is permissible for courtiers to deal with them, for they are practised in these matters.
“On the other hand, whenever the question is one appertaining to kingship, or campaigning, or raiding, or administration, or supplies, or gifts, or war and peace, or the army, or the king's subjects, and the like matters, then such question had better be decided with the aid of the vizier and the great experts in these faculties, and the elders of experience, in order that affairs may follow their proper course.
Arabian Nights Illustration
“There are some kings who have made familiars of a physician or astrologer in order to learn how to govern the people, what fate is destined for themselves, or what they should do; and their constitution and temperament have been carefully watched. Now the astrologer keeps observation of times and hours, and in any matter in which the king decides to engage, the astrologer gives advice and chooses the propitious hour. But there are some kings who have refused to have dealings with these two, saying: "The physician restrains us from enjoyable foods and agreeable pleasures, gives us medicines when we are suffering neither from sickness nor disease and his one object is to cause illness. And the astrologer is no better. He forbids everything that is worth doing, sets restrictions upon matters of importance, and spoils all our pleasure in life." It were better therefore to summon these two only when there is need.
“Still, if the courtier is a man of the world, one who as been here and there and seen service with the great, it is to the good. When men wish to know the disposition and character of the king they judge it by analogy from his familiars. If they are pleasant-tempered, good-natured, generous, modest, and patient, people draw a corresponding inference and conclude that the king is not notoriously ill-tempered, nor ill-disposed, nor of evil way of life and conduct, nor miserly.
“Every courtier should have a rank and position allotted to him. Some should be permitted to be seated while others should be required to remain standing, as has been the custom from ancient times in the presence of kings and caliphs; the caliph always having as his courtiers the men who served his father. The Sultan of Ghazna always had twenty courtiers, of whom ten might be seated while the other ten stood. They derived this custom and practice from the Sámánid dynasty. Lastly, courtiers should be well remunerated by the king, who should assure their being honoured amongst his retainers, whilst they in their turn should keep watch on themselves, be of upright conduct, and the king's friends.”
Becoming a Qadi in the Abbasid Period
Calligraphy name of Abu Hanifa, founder of the Hanifi Sharia school
On how he became a qadi (judge, magistrate), Al-Tanûkhî wrote in “Ruminations and Reminiscences” in A.D. 980: “The Caliph “said to me: ‘Sir, whenever you see any kind of wrong committed, great or small, or anything of the sort great or small, then order it to be righted and remonstrate about it, even with him (pointing to Badr); and if anything befalls you and you are not listened to, then the sign between us is that you sound the call to prayer at about this time; I, hearing your voice, will summon you and will do this to any one who refuses to listen to you, or injures you.' I invoked a blessing on him and departed; then the rumor spread among the Dailemites and the Turks, and I have never asked any one to right another or to desist from wrong-doing, but he has obeyed me to my satisfaction for fear of Mu'tadid, so that up to this time I have not had to sound the call." “[Source: D. S. Margoliouth, ed., The Table Talk of a Mesopotamian Judge, (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1922), pp. 64-67, 164-68, 135-37, 93, 2 9-92, 86-87, 31, 160, 97-101, 172-73, 84-86, 204-6]
“I was told by my father that when Abu Yusuf cultivated the society of Abu Hanifah in order to learn law, he was very poor, and his attendance on his teacher prevented him from earning his livelihood. So he used to return at the end of the day to short rations in an ill-appointed establishment. This went on a long time, his wife resorting to various expedients in order to maintain herself day by day. At last her patience was exhausted, and when one day he had gone to the lecture-room, spent the whole day there, and returned at night to ask for his meal, she produced a covered dish. When he removed the cover he found it to contain some note-books. To his question what this meant, she replied that it was what he was occupied with the whole day, so he had better eat it at night. Deeply affected, he went without food that night, and stayed away from the lecture next morning until he had secured some food for the household. Coming then to Abu Hanifah, and being asked why he was so late, he told the truth. Why, asked Abu Hanifah, did you not tell me, so that I might have helped you? You need not be anxious; if your life is preserved your legal earnings will enable you to feast on almond paste and shelled pistachios. Abu Yusuf stated that when he had entered the service of Rashid [Caliph, r. 786-809], and enjoyed his favor, one day a dish of almond paste and pistachios was brought to the imperial table. When I tasted it, he said, tears came to my eyes, as I remembered Abu Hanifah. When Rashid asked me the reason of my emotion, I told him this story.
See Separate Article: ISLAMIC LAW DURING THE ABBASID PERIOD (A.D. 750 TO 1258) africame.factsanddetails.com
Rivals of the Abbasids
According to the “Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices”: The Abbasid conquest of the central Umayyad empire did not affect the existence of the Spanish Umayyad empire in Andalusia (modern-day Spain and Portugal). There, where Muslims were called Moors, Muslim rule ushered in a period of coexistence and culture developed by Muslims, Christians, and Jews in major urban centers. [Source: John L. Esposito “Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices”, 2000s, Encyclopedia.com]
The Spanish Umayyad empire was less a threat to the Abbasids than was the Fatimid (Shiite) empire in the tenth century, carved out in North Africa and with its capital in Cairo. From the tenth to the twelfth centuries, the Fatimids challenged a weakened and fragmented Abbasid empire, spreading their influence and rule across North Africa, Egypt, Syria, Persia, and Sicily.
The Fatimids were not brought under Abbasid rule until 1171, when the great general Salah ad-Din (Saladin) conquered Cairo. Despite this success, however, by the thirteenth century the Abbasid empire had become a sprawling, fragmented group of semiautonomous states governed by military commanders. In 1258 the Mongols captured Baghdad, burned and pillaged the city, slaughtered its Muslim inhabitants, and executed the caliph and his family.
Relations Between Byzantium and the Abbasid Empire
Paul Halsall of Fordham University wrote: “In the late tenth century the most powerful states in Western Eurasia were Byzantium and the Abbasid Empire. These states exchanged embassies constantly. This itenis an extract from the detailed account of an Arab envoy to Constantinople in the late 10th century. His mission to the court of Basil II concerned Bardas Skleros, a claimant to the Byzantine throne who had gone to Baghdad seeking Arab support. [Source: Internet Islamic History Sourcebook, sourcebooks.fordham.edu]
The account of the Arab envoy to Constantinople in the late 10th century reads: “So I proceeded to Constantinople and made my entry after I had been met and most courteously escorted y court officials. I was honourably lodged in the palace of the Kanikleios N'cephorus (the envoy come with me) who stood in favour with the Sovereign. Next I was summoned to the presence of the Chamberlain [i.e., the eunuch Basil], who said: "We are acquainted with the correspondence which bears on your message, but state your views." Thereupon I produced the actual agreement, which he inspected and then said: "Was not the question of relinquishing the land-tax on Abu Taghlib's territory [at Mosul], both past and future, settled with al-Bakilani in accordance with your wishes, and did he not assent to our terms as to restoring the fortresses we had taken, and as to the arrest of Bardas? Your master accepted this agreement and complied with our wishes, for you have his ratification of the truce under his own hand." I said that al-Bakilani had not come to any arrangement at all; he replied that he had not left until he had settled the terms of agreement, of which the ratification under the hand of his sovereign was to be forwarded, and that he had previously produced his letter approving the whole of the stipulations. Accordingly I was driven to find some device in order to meet this position. [Source: Translated by H. Amedroz, "An Embassy front Bagdad to the Emperor Basil II," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (1914), pp. 921 25. Reprinted in Deno Geanokoplos, Byzantium, (Chicago: 1984), 339-340]
“I said this: "Ibn al-Bakilani came to no agreement with you; it was Ibn Kunis who made this compact and took a copy of it in the Greek language." At this the Chamberlain broke out, and asked Ibn Kuinis "Who has authorized this?" to which he answered that neither he nor Ibn al-Bakilani had settled anything, and I withdrew.
John the Grammarian as ambassador before Theophilos and Mamun
“A few days later the Chamberlain summoned me and resumed reading the agreement. He paused at a point where it spoke of "what might be settled with Ibn Shahram on the basis of what was contained in the third copy," and said that this was the one copy, but where were the other two? On referring to this passage I saw the blunder that had been committed in letting this stand, and said: "The meaning of the passage is that the agreement was to be in triplicate, one part to remain with the Byzantine ruler, one to be in Aleppo, and the third in the capital [Baghdad]." This Ibn Kunis traversed, saying that his instructions had been to note down the exact sense of the agreement, and the Chamberlain said that this copy was the ruling one; that the second copy referred to giving up the fortresses, whilst the third omitted all mention of Aleppo; that the agreement had been signed on the terms agreed upon with Ibn al-Bakilani, and the sole object in sending this copy was to procure the sovereign's hand and seal thereto. To which I said: "This cannot be so; my instructions are merely what I have stated as regards Aleppo and the fortresses, in accordance with the agreement which you have seen." He replied: "Were Bardas [i.e., Skleros] here in force and you had made us all prisoners you could not ask for more than you are asking; and Bardas is, in fact, a prisoner."….
“I replied: "Your supposed case of Bardas being here in force is of no weight, for you are well aware that when Abu Taghlib, who is not on a par with the lowest of 'Adud al -Daula's followers, assisted Bardas he foiled the Byzantine sovereigns for seven years; how would it be, then, were 'Adud al-Daula to assist him with his army? Bardas, although a prisoner in our hands, is not exposed, as Your captives are, to mutilation; his presence in the capital is the best thing for us, for we have not made a captive of him. It may be that he will fret at our putting him off, will despair of us, become estranged, and go away; but at present he is acting with us and is reassured by the pomp and security he witnesses at the capital. We hold in truth, all the strings."
“My words impressed and nonplussed him greatly, for he knew them to be true, and he said: "What you ask cannot be granted; we will ratify, if you will, what was agreed on with al-Bakilani - else, depart." I replied: "If you wish me to depart without having had a hearing from the Sovereign I will do so." To this he said that he spoke for the Sovereign, but that he would ask an audience for me.
“And in a few days time I was summoned and attended. The Byzantine Sovereign [Basil] caused what had passed to be repeated to him in my presence, and said: "You have come on a reprehensible errand; your envoy came and procured our consent to certain terms, which included the restoring of the fortresses taken during the revolt; you are now asking to have ceded other fortresses which were taken by my predecessors. Either consent to what was originally stipulated or go in peace." I replied: "But al-Bakilani agreed on nothing, for, as for the document he brought, you deprived us under its terms of half our territory; how can we admit such a thing against ourselves? Of these fortresses in Diyar Bakr none are held by you; now Diyar Bakr belongs to us: all you can do is to dispute it, and you do not know what will be the issue of the struggle." Here the Chamberlain interposed, saying: "This envoy is skilled in controversy and can make up a fine story: death is better for us than submission to these terms: let him return to his master." The Sovereign then rose, and I withdrew.”
Abbasid Caliph Harun and Charlemagne
Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons
Text Sources: Internet Islamic History Sourcebook: sourcebooks.fordham.edu ; Arab News, Jeddah; “Islam, a Short History” by Karen Armstrong; “A History of the Arab Peoples” by Albert Hourani (Faber and Faber, 1991); Metropolitan Museum of Art, Encyclopedia.com, National Geographic, BBC, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Smithsonian magazine, The Guardian, Al Jazeera, The New Yorker, Reuters, Associated Press, AFP, Library of Congress and various books and other publications.
Last updated April 2024